Third is a strong appetite for building new and exorbitant heritage creations, thus recklessly adding to the 3,686 ancient monuments and archaeological sites the state (through the Archeological Survey of India) is increasingly unable to protect.ģ A recent essay by Supriya Gandhi, a historian of the Mughal empire, helps to make sense of the blatant contradictions at work in the Hindu right’s thinking about, and management of, Indian material culture, past and present. Second is a strong sectarian bias at work in the shrinking state-sponsored projects of heritage management and development a similar prejudice also underpins a large-scale policy of renaming that ultimately aims at emphasizing the Hinduness of India’s public space and at expurgating from the latter all material traces related to the pluri-secular presence of non-Hindus (especially Muslims) in the subcontinent. First is the state’s reluctance to fulfill its traditional role of guardian of the nation’s built landscape and the concomitant resort to neo-liberal outsourcing strategies to fill in the gap. When considered together, these decisions-whether taken at the federal or state level-reveal the three most salient features of Hindutva heritage politics and policies. Modi.Ģ Every one of the above-listed public acts obviously relates to the paradigmatic idea of “heritage,” a term referring first and foremost to “any relict physical surviving from the past” but that extends to include “all accumulated cultural and artistic productivity (…) whether produced in the past or currently ” (Ashworth and Tunbridge 1996:1–2, emphasis mine).
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4 By the end of that same month, on the 31 st, Narendra Modi inaugurated with great pomp a colossal statue of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel (d. 1950), a senior figure of the movement for independence and of the Congress Party whom the Hindu right is currently refurbishing as one of its own, not the least because of the Gujarati origins he shares with N. 1 On July 27 th, the tidy sum of Rupees 1,452 lakhs 2 (€ 1,6M) was sanctioned for the development of a “spiritual circuit” in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) under the aegis of another national heritage program known as the “Swadesh Darshan Scheme.” 3 Still later that year, on October 16 th, the BJP government of UP decided to rename the city of Allahabad, Prayagraj, “a twenty-first century Hindutva invention” meant to erase the Mughal past of the city and to restore its primal identity as a major Hindu pilgrimage center. On March 13 th, Dalmia Bharat Limited, an industrial group known primarily for Dalmia Cement, signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Ministry of Tourism, the Ministry of Culture and the Archeological Survey of India (ASI) by which the corporation formally “adopted” the Mughal Red Fort of Delhi under the national “Adopt a Heritage” scheme and committed to provide basic amenities and complete operation and maintenance of this UNESCO World Heritage Site for a minimum duration of five years. 4 Allahabad was initially known as Prayag (literally, “confluence” in Sanskrit) before being renamed (.)ġ The year is 2018, twelve months or so before India’s general elections and the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) leader Narendra Modi’s bid for a second term as Prime Minister.
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#Prithviraj chauhan episode 112 full#
1 Full text of the MoU is available at:.